Define alcoholism and discuss its types Define alcoholism in psychology Define alcoholism treatment Define alcoholism dsm Define alcoholism medical Define alcoholism nhs Define alcoholism australia Define alcoholism drugs Define alcoholism in sociology De. Defining “drinking culture”: A critical review of its meaning and connotation in social research on alcohol problems: Drugs: Education, Prevention and Policy: Vol 23, No 4

Introduction

Policy documents increasingly refer to the need to “change the drinking culture” as a way of addressing problems associated with alcohol use (Her Majesty’s Government, 2012 Her Majesty’s Government. ( 2012 ). The Government’s alcohol strategy. London: Her Majesty’s Government   [Google Scholar] ; Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy, 2006 Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy. ( 2006 ). National Alcohol Strategy 2006–2009. Canberra: Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy   [Google Scholar] ; Victorian Government, 2008 Victorian Government. ( 2008 ). Victoria’s Alcohol Action Plan 2008–2013: Restoring the balance. Melbourne: Victorian Government   [Google Scholar] ). At least in part reflecting this, interest in drinking culture has also grown in academia. As indicated in Figure 1, the number of academic journal articles in the health and social sciences that contain the term appears to have grown steadily since the early 2000s. Define alcoholism.

Although there is considerable anthropological and sociological literature on culture and drinking (e.g. see Douglas, 1987 Douglas, M. ( 1987 ). A distinctive anthropological perspective. In Douglas, M. (Ed.), Constructive drinking: Perspectives on drink from anthropology (pp. 3 – 15 ). New York/Cambridge: Cambridge University Press   [Google Scholar] ; Heath, 1987 Heath, D.B. ( 1987 ). A decade of development in the anthropological study of alcohol use: 1970–1980. In Douglas, M. (Ed.), Constructive drinking: Perspectives on drinking from anthropology (pp. 16 – 69 ). New York/Cambridge: Cambridge University Press   [Google Scholar] ; Hunt & Baker, 2001 Hunt, G., & Barker, J.C. ( 2001 ). Socio-cultural anthropology and alcohol and drug research: Towards a unified theory. Social Science & Medicine, 53, 165 – 188. doi: 10.1016/S0277-9536(00)00329-4 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ), the issue of cultural aspects of drinking has also come to the fore in public health-oriented research that is concerned with the description, prevention and alleviation of health and social problems. This is not surprising given that public health has traditionally focussed on social determinants of health and upstream factors beyond the level of the individual. However, in much social research on alcohol, public health’s traditional focus on environmental and structural factors has been relegated to the background in favour of a focus on the individual (and individual responsibility), behaviour change and unhealthy lifestyles, of which alcohol consumption is seen as a part (Hunt & Baker, 2001 Hunt, G., & Barker, J.C. ( 2001 ). Socio-cultural anthropology and alcohol and drug research: Towards a unified theory. Social Science & Medicine, 53, 165 – 188. doi: 10.1016/S0277-9536(00)00329-4 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ).

In the public health-oriented literature on alcohol and other issues, there has been a tendency to treat “context” and causality in over-simplistic ways (Hart, 2015 Hart, A. ( 2015 ). Assembling interrelations between low socioeconomic status and acute alcohol-related harms among young adult drinkers. Contemporary Drug Problems, 42, 148 – 167. doi: 10.1177/0091450915583828 [Crossref]   [Google Scholar] ; Shoveller et al., 2015 Shoveller, J., Viehbeck, S., Di Ruggiero, E., Greyson, D., Thomson, K., & Knight, R. ( 2015 ). A critical examination of representations of context within research on population health interventions. Critical Public Health. [Epub ahead of print]. DOI: 10.1080/09581596.2015.1117577 [Taylor & Francis Online]   [Google Scholar] ) and to discount the pleasures of alcohol use (Hunt & Baker, 2001 Hunt, G., & Barker, J.C. ( 2001 ). Socio-cultural anthropology and alcohol and drug research: Towards a unified theory. Social Science & Medicine, 53, 165 – 188. doi: 10.1016/S0277-9536(00)00329-4 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ). Given this tendency for oversimplification, we undertake a critical review of public health-oriented alcohol research (henceforth referred to as “alcohol research”) to trace how this body of work has understood and deployed the concept of “drinking culture”. Consistent with the critical review approach, we aim to “go beyond mere description of identified articles” deploying the drinking culture concept and “offer a degree of analysis and conceptual innovation … to ‘take stock’ and evaluate what is of value from the previous body of work” (Grant & Booth, 2009 Grant, M.J., & Booth, A. ( 2009 ). A typology of reviews: An analysis of 14 review types and associated methodologies. Health Information & Libraries Journal, 26, 91 – 108. doi: 10.1111/j.1471-1842.2009.00848.x [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar], p. 93). We do not attempt an exhaustive inventory of all the available literature on alcohol and culture, nor even all the public health-oriented literature; our concern is primarily with “the conceptual contribution of each item of included literature”, and as such this article “may provide a ‘launch pad’ for a new phase of conceptual development and subsequent ‘testing’” (Grant & Booth, 2009 Grant, M.J., & Booth, A. ( 2009 ). A typology of reviews: An analysis of 14 review types and associated methodologies. Health Information & Libraries Journal, 26, 91 – 108. doi: 10.1111/j.1471-1842.2009.00848.x [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar], pp. 93, 97). In particular, we trace the application of the drinking culture concept to different cultural entities at both macro- and micro-levels, and in so doing examine points of consensus and departure in terms of how drinking cultures have been understood in alcohol research. We utilise insights from anthropological and sociological literature to draw attention to potential oversimplifications, limitations and ways forward for alcohol research. In so doing, we encourage a nuanced and multi-dimensional understanding of drinking cultures and provide insights into how drinking cultures might be defined, investigated and monitored.

We show that the alcohol research literature offers little in terms of explicitly defining what is meant by the term “drinking culture”. Even in a recent review of drinking cultures, Gordon, Heim, & MacAskill ( 2012 Gordon, R., Heim, D., & MacAskill, S. ( 2012 ). Rethinking drinking cultures: A review of drinking cultures and a reconstructed dimensional approach. Public Health, 126, 3 – 11. doi: 10.1016/j.puhe.2011.09.014 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar], p. 4) stopped short of a definition, suggesting that “the question of what constitutes drinking cultures is somewhat abstract and open to interpretation”. This conceptual ambiguity has not stopped researchers from viewing drinking culture as a target of investigation or intervention. Indeed in the very next sentence, Gordon et al. go on to state that their paper identifies “key themes influencing drinking cultures” and reviews “their nature and function” (2012, p. 4). By skipping over any detailed conceptual discourse or discussion of how the study operationalises drinking culture, the concept is enacted paradoxically as commonsense and unproblematic – something that the reader intuitively understands.

On the contrary, we suggest that the widespread and unquestioned use of “drinking culture” terminology in problem-oriented alcohol research has deepened the ambiguity surrounding it and stifled conceptual development and understanding. We argue that alcohol researchers need to more clearly articulate what they mean when they refer to drinking cultures. Prior to making this argument, however, we begin with a brief overview of anthropological and sociological understandings of culture.

Culture

More than half a century after Kroeber and Kluckhohn ( 1952 Kroeber, A.L., & Kluckhohn, C. ( 1952 ). Culture: A critical review of concepts and definitions. New York: Vintage Books   [Google Scholar] ) found 164 definitions of “culture” in the anthropological literature, Taras, Rowney and Steel ( 2009 Taras, V., Rowney, J., & Steel, P. ( 2009 ). Half a century of measuring culture: Review of approaches, challenges, and limitations based on the analysis of 121 instruments for quantifying culture. Journal of International Management, 15, 357 – 373. doi: 10.1016/j.intman.2008.08.005 [Crossref], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ) found it still true that “there is no commonly accepted definition of the word”. Taras et al. characterise culture as a “complex multilevel construct”, with shared assumptions and values as a core, and practices, symbols and artifacts as outer layers. They also emphasise stability – that a culture is shared by members of a group that it is formed over a long period, and that it is relatively stable. Jepperson and Swidler ( 1994 Jepperson, R., & Swidler, A. ( 1994 ). What properties of culture should we measure? Poetics, 22, 359 – 371. doi: 10.1016/0304-422X(94)90014-0 [Crossref], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ) suggest that for a particular cultural form, there is an underlying code of meaning and rules, there are “customs that have emerged governing it”, and there are “ideologies of talk surrounding it”.

In an exchange specifically concerned with alcohol and culture, Lemert ( 1965 Lemert, E.M. ( 1965 ). Comment on Mandelbaum’s article ‘Alcohol and culture’. Current Anthropology, 6, 291   [Google Scholar] ) noted that in his fieldwork he had found that “group interaction and social control are far more significant than culture values in understanding of predicting … drinking” (p. 291). In reply, Mandelbaum ( 1965 Mandelbaum, D.G. ( 1965 ). Reply [to comments on his ‘Alcohol and culture’]. Current Anthropology, 6, 292 – 293 [Crossref]   [Google Scholar] ) accepted this observation, adding that “I include under the term ‘culture’ those patterns of social control and of collective behaviour which are regularly used” (p. 292).

The exchange between Lemert and Mandelbaum set a pattern that has been a regular feature of discussions of alcohol and culture, emphasising social control aspects at least as much as shared values as central to the meaning of culture. Lemert ( 1962 Lemert, E.M. ( 1962 ). Alcohol, values and social control. In Pittman, D.J., & Snyder, C.R. (Eds.), Society, culture and drinking patterns (pp. 553 – 571 ). New York & London: Wiley   [Google Scholar] ) and Bruun ( 1971 Bruun, K. ( 1971 ). Implications of legislation relating to alcoholism and drug dependence. In Kiloh, L.G., & Bell, D.S. (Eds.), Proceedings, 19th International Congress on Alcoholism and Drug Dependence (pp. 175 – 181 ). Australia: Butterworths   [Google Scholar] ) made strong contributions to this tradition in their typologies of cultures in terms of differences in characteristic means of controlling and minimising harm from drinking. We will discuss below the continuation of this tradition in analyses emphasising norms concerning drinking – prescriptive norms is the term in psychology – as building blocks of culture and drinking.

Drinking culture in a society as a whole

Implicit in the use of the singular “drinking culture” or in the use of “the Australian drinking culture” is a macro-sociological focus. The cultural entity of concern is the nation or society as a whole. To talk about Australian drinking culture, for instance, is to refer to rules about and patterns of drinking which are seen as specific to, and applicable across, a national culture. Thus, Australian sociologist Margaret Sargent prefaced her 1968 description of Australian “values and attitudes … [in] a group of people drinking together” with a characterisation of general “value orientations” considered to be held in Australian culture:

In Sargent’s view, eight general orientations lay behind Australian attitudes to drinking:

Define alcoholism and discuss its types Define alcoholism in psychology Define alcoholism treatment Define alcoholism dsm Define alcoholism medical Define alcoholism nhs Define alcoholism australia Define alcoholism drugs Define alcoholism in sociology De

At the level of “general orientations”, many of Sargent’s generalisations are still recognisable, though much has changed in Australian society, including who does how much drinking where. However, in a complex multicultural society, there will be many subdivisions of the society where the generalisations do not apply. As Sargent intimates, the drinking culture of a society may refer and “belong” to some parts of the culture much more than to others. For instance, given the male predominance everywhere in heavier drinking, it has been remarked that what are referred to as national drinking cultures seem to mostly be referring to male drinking in the society (Gmel Room, Kuendig, & Kuntsche, 2007 Gmel, G., Room, R., Kuendig, H., & Kuntsche, S. ( 2007 ). Detrimental drinking patterns: Empirical validation of the pattern values score of the Global Burden of Disease 2000 study in 13 countries. Journal of Substance Use, 12, 337 – 358. doi: 10.1080/14659890701249624 [Taylor & Francis Online]   [Google Scholar] ). This is important to keep in mind as we discuss drinking culture at the level of the culture as a whole. It is also important to note that the distinction between macro- and micro-scales of focus should not be viewed as mutually exclusive or necessarily in conflict, but are perhaps best seen as complementary perspectives.

The typological tradition

Concern with drinking norms and functions at the macro-level is evident in many early discussions of culture and drinking, in which academics used examples of drinking in different societies to develop typologies of the position of alcohol in cultures (Room & Mäkelä, 2000 Room, R., & Mäkelä, K. ( 2000 ). Typologies of the cultural position of drinking. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 61, 475 – 483. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.15288/jsa.2000.61.475 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ). These typologies are of interest because such classifications make differentiations on various dimensions. Examining the dimensions that are chosen provides insights into thinking around what is meant by a drinking culture.

A fuller catalogue of typologies identified in the literature can be found in Table 1. Many of the typologies in Table 1 are focussed on drinking patterns and problems. We mention a few that are particularly noteworthy here.

Perhaps the most commonly invoked typology is the categorisation of drinking cultures into “wet” and “dry” cultures based on drinking patterns, the extent of drunkenness and drinking problems and the systems of controls that exist in a particular country (see Room & Mäkelä, 2000 Room, R., & Mäkelä, K. ( 2000 ). Typologies of the cultural position of drinking. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 61, 475 – 483. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.15288/jsa.2000.61.475 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ). In this framing, “wet” cultures, such as France or Italy, are characterised by high per capita consumption and of alcohol-related chronic disease and mortality, less restrictive control structures and lower rates of drunkenness. On the other hand “dry” cultures, such as Sweden or the United States (and perhaps Australia), are characterised by less frequent but heavier drinking, more restrictive control structures and higher rates of drunkenness, violence and social disruption. Although earlier typologies categorised drinking cultures on the basis of a single dimension – typically related to alcohol consumption, drunkenness or alcohol-related problems – the wet–dry typology is multi-dimensional. The “dry” label reflected that the societies it was applied to had a strong and influential temperance movement in the 19th and early 20th centuries, and scholars antagonistic to temperance tended to see the high rates of alcohol-related social problems in these cultures as resulting from the temperance history (Room, 1976 Room, R. ( 1976 ). Ambivalence as a sociological explanation: The case of cultural explanations of alcohol problems. American Sociological Review, 41, 1047 – 1065 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ). Other scholars pointed out, however, that the main reason temperance had been strong in these societies was the high pre-existing rates of socially disruptive drinking. The problematic drinking styles and inclinations towards heavy social control interacted with each other:

Other typologies have focused on the dominant beverage consumed in a particular country (Sulkunen, 1976 Sulkunen, P. ( 1976 ). Drinking patterns and the level of alcohol consumption: An international overview. In Gibbins, R., Israel, Y., Kalant, H., Popham, R.E., Schmidt, W., & Smart, R.G. (Eds.), Research advances in alcohol and drug problems (Vol. 3). New York: Wiley   [Google Scholar], 1983 Sulkunen, P. ( 1983 ). Alcohol consumption and the transformation of living conditions. In Smart, R.G., Glaser, F.B., Israel, Y., Kalant, H., Popham, R.E., & Schmidt, W. (Ed.), Research advances in alcohol and drug problems (Vol. 7, pp. 247 – 298 ). New York: Plenum Press [Crossref]   [Google Scholar] ) to characterise these as “wine”, “beer” or “spirits” cultures. Discussions of these typologies focus not only on the type of beverage typically consumed but also on whether drinking commonly occurs with meals at home, such as in wine cultures (e.g. Italy, Greece), or whether drinking predominantly occurs in pubs and other places outside of the home, as in beer cultures. This recognition of the role of place and setting as a feature of drinking cultures is perhaps most overtly realised in Csikszentmihalyi’s ( 1968 Csikszentmihalyi, M. ( 1968 ). A cross-cultural comparison of some structural characteristics of group drinking. Human Development, 11, 201 – 216. doi: 10.1159/000270607 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ) typology. Csikszentmihalyi describes three different types of places that exist in European countries:

Open and airy wine shops in Mediterranean cultures, with drinkers sitting in small groups around tables.

The huge darkened beer halls of Germany and Austria, with long parallel tables flanked by benches.

The stand-up bar of English pubs, with drinkers standing in a line.

What is most striking about this typology is not just the focus on places in which drinking might typically occur (e.g. a beer hall, wine shop, bar, etc.), but the detailed attention to how the drinking space feels, how it is organised in relation to the drinker and how drinkers relate to other drinkers. This relatively nuanced rendering of setting foregrounds a complex web of interactions that may occur between spatial arrangements and activities in drinking environments, individual drinkers, the drinking group and others in the drinking environment. Also of note is the absence of any mention of drinking behaviour, problems or drunkenness, which is a departure from most other typologies (d'Abbs, 2014 d'Abbs, P. ( 2014 ). Reform and resistance: Exploring the interplay of alcohol policies with drinking cultures and drinking practices. Paper presented at the Kettil Bruun Society Thematic Conference on Alcohol Policy Research, Melbourne, Australia   [Google Scholar] ).

Define alcoholism and discuss its types Define alcoholism in psychology Define alcoholism treatment Define alcoholism dsm Define alcoholism medical Define alcoholism nhs Define alcoholism australia Define alcoholism drugs Define alcoholism in sociology De

Until Mäkelä’s discussion of “the uses of alcohol and their cultural regulation” (1983), there had been little consideration of the different uses of alcohol and meanings attributed to it as a feature of drinking cultures. Mäkelä ( 1983 Mäkelä, K. ( 1983 ). The uses of alcohol and their cultural regulation. Acta Sociologica, 26, 21 – 31. doi: 10.1177/000169938302600102 [Crossref], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ) suggested that a defining feature of drinking cultures is how alcohol is used, arguing that in some cultures alcohol is used predominantly for nutrition (e.g. Italy) and in other cultures as an intoxicant (e.g. in Scandinavia). Although there are likely to be a range of further use-values – including therapeutic, recreational, social, psychoactive, etc. – Mäkelä’s discussion provokes consideration of how these uses are shaped by culture. He also considers the ways in which cultures regulate the intoxicating property of alcohol, proposing three modes of regulation:

Alcohol intoxication isolated into a sacral corner (e.g. orthodox Jews).

Alcohol intoxication confined to clearly demarcated occasions (e.g. the Camba in Bolivia).

The Scandinavian model: vacillation between “Dionysian acceptance and ascetic condemnation of drunkenness”.

As in thinking on the wet–dry typology, social control of alcohol emerges as a key feature of drinking culture in Mäkelä’s ( 1983 Mäkelä, K. ( 1983 ). The uses of alcohol and their cultural regulation. Acta Sociologica, 26, 21 – 31. doi: 10.1177/000169938302600102 [Crossref], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ) discussion.

Drawing on a comprehensive review of typologies of the cultural position of alcohol, Room and Mäkelä ( 2000 Room, R., & Mäkelä, K. ( 2000 ). Typologies of the cultural position of drinking. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 61, 475 – 483. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.15288/jsa.2000.61.475 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ) propose a basic two-dimensional typology, with possible additional features. At its most basic, this includes the regularity of drinking and the extent of drunkenness. The regularity of drinking provides an indication of the extent to which drinking is integrated in daily life – a feature of some other typologies. For instance, relatively uncommon but heavy drinking that is limited to certain religious or cultural events has been characterised as a fiesta style of drinking. However, as the authors note, a dichotomy between regular and occasional use is not enough to characterise the regularity of drinking, because in many industrialised societies many drinkers combine regular and sporadic drinking:

Room and Mäkelä ( 2000 Room, R., & Mäkelä, K. ( 2000 ). Typologies of the cultural position of drinking. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 61, 475 – 483. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.15288/jsa.2000.61.475 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ) also steer attention towards the cultural meanings of drunkenness (e.g. how drunk is drunk? And what purpose does it serve?). For instance, Keane ( 2009 Keane, H. ( 2009 ). Intoxication, harm and pleasure: An analysis of the Australian National Alcohol Strategy. Critical Public Health, 19, 135 – 142. doi: 10.1080/09581590802350957 [Taylor & Francis Online]   [Google Scholar] ) shows how intoxication may be valued as “a positive and enhanced state: a form of bodily pleasure” (p. 135) in Australia, although public health discourse tends to construct and portray intoxication as risky and harmful. In this light, Room and Mäkelä ( 2000 Room, R., & Mäkelä, K. ( 2000 ). Typologies of the cultural position of drinking. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 61, 475 – 483. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.15288/jsa.2000.61.475 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ) propose additional dimensions for understanding the cultural position of alcohol, including:

Expectations about behaviours while drinking or intoxicated.

The cultural position of the drinker, the drinking group and the drinking occasion.

Define alcoholism and discuss its types Define alcoholism in psychology Define alcoholism treatment Define alcoholism dsm Define alcoholism medical Define alcoholism nhs Define alcoholism australia Define alcoholism drugs Define alcoholism in sociology De

Modes of social control of drinking.

The nature of drinking-related problems and their handling.

These additional features, together with the basic features of the regularity of drinking and the extent of drunkenness, offer a range of dimensions on which a particular cultural entity can be characterised and measured.

In a recent attempt at developing a typology, Gordon et al. ( 2012 Gordon, R., Heim, D., & MacAskill, S. ( 2012 ). Rethinking drinking cultures: A review of drinking cultures and a reconstructed dimensional approach. Public Health, 126, 3 – 11. doi: 10.1016/j.puhe.2011.09.014 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ) argue that many earlier typologies are outdated in light of the perceived homogenisation of drinking cultures across Western Europe. For instance, preference for wine is increasing in traditional beer drinking cultures (e.g. Germany), and beer consumption is increasing in places like France and Spain, which have traditionally been characterised as wine cultures. The authors provide other examples of this kind of convergence, which they suggest may be influenced by the:

In this light it is worth considering how globalisation has affected what have been traditionally thought of as national drinking cultures. With increased flows of people, products, information and ideas across national borders, is it possible to conceive of a national drinking culture that sits in isolation from the “global”? For instance, marketing of alcohol by multinational producers may generate flows of images and messages that are shared globally via the internet and social media (Room, 2010 Room, R. ( 2010 ). Dry and wet cultures in the age of globalization. Salute e Società, 10(Suppl. 3), 229 – 237   [Google Scholar] ). Furthermore, scholars have noted a convergence of drinking patterns between men and women living in the USA (White et al., 2015 White, A., Castle, I.J.P., Chen, C.M., Shirley, M., Roach, D., & Hingson, R. ( 2015 ). Converging patterns of alcohol use and related outcomes among females and males in the United States, 2002 to 2012. Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research, 39, 1712 – 1726. doi: 10.1177/002204267500500407 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ) and in European countries (Beccaria & Guidoni, 2002 Beccaria, F., & Guidoni, O.V. ( 2002 ). Young people in a wet culture: Functions and patterns of drinking. Contemporary Drug Problems, 29, 305 – 336. doi: 10.1177/009145090202900205 [Crossref]   [Google Scholar] ; Leifman, 2001 Leifman, H. ( 2001 ). Homogenisation in alcohol consumption in the European Union. Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs, 18, 15 – 30   [Google Scholar] ; Room & Mäkelä, 2000 Room, R., & Mäkelä, K. ( 2000 ). Typologies of the cultural position of drinking. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 61, 475 – 483. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.15288/jsa.2000.61.475 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ), and trends around young people drinking less have been described in various countries (de Looze et al., 2015 de Looze, M., Raaijmakers, Q., ter Bogt, T., Bendtsen, P., Farhat, T., Ferreira, M. … Pickett, W. ( 2015 ). Decreases in adolescent weekly alcohol use in Europe and North America: Evidence from 28 countries from 2002 to 2010. European Journal of Public Health, 25(Suppl. 2), 69 – 72. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/eurpub/ckv031 [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®]   [Google Scholar] ; Pennay, Livingston, & MacL

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